Edgar Leonard. Photo: Provided

Sovereignty is a challenge, but it is too complex to tackle in this commentary, so I will only give it a cursory mention. Instead, I will defer to learned scholars to tackle it. In this commentary, I will attempt to provide some background information on the region and regional integration.

Challenges

The Caribbean region with a shared history, heritage, culture, concerns, and a common identity extending from the Bahamas to Belize to Guyana to Jamaica to Barbados and comprising mostly former Anglophone colonies faced many economic, social, and political challenges. These challenges include a)small geographic and market size, b)wide geographic separation (dispersal), c)small population and disparity in population among islands, d)natural resources poor, e)mono, fragile and undiversified economy that depends heavily on tourism, f) loss of preferential trade preferences for agricultural products, g)diminish demand for Caribbean products, h)intra-regional competition for similar produced goods, i)remoteness from major markets, j)limited and affordable inter-island transportation k)poverty and underdevelopment in some islands, i)government being a major employer in many islands, m)heavy political patronage and dependency, n)lack of an effective regional body with supernational power, etc.

Undoubtedly, this extensive list of challenges poses a heroic heavy lift for attaining regional integration. However, the biggest challenge to regional integration is sovereignty. Nevertheless, integration is in the best interest of the region and its approximately 18 million people.

Colonialism and Slavery

Colonialism was a vicious, oppressive, and dominant cycle. The UK, France, Spain, Netherlands (Holland), and other European countries colonised numerous Caribbean islands. It used forced slave labour to produce sugar, cotton, tobacco, banana, etc., for export and use in European factories, developing and building European economies. The only development that occurred in the colonies was to facilitate agricultural production.

Post-Emancipation, colonialists exploited indentured, former slaves, and descendants cheap labour to produce agricultural products. Slave labour was free, and the compensation for indentured labour and former slaves and descendants’ labour was meagre wages. For example, colonialists set up few, if any, manufacturing factories to provide additional job opportunities for locals to improve their standard of living and quality of life. Moreover, agricultural substitutes, i.e., beet sugar, falling prices, reduced profits, natural disasters(hurricanes), competition, revolts, diseases, etc., precipitated the pullout from the Caribbean, starting the integration attempt(s) and independence parade.

Independence Parade

Undoubtedly, there is a tie between racism and colonialism and other discriminatory and prejudicial biases. Nevertheless, colonialism, declining due to WWI and WWII fatigue, growing push for social changes and economic changes, coupled with a need to unload the burden of its colonies, the UK imposed the West Indies Federation (established under the British Caribbean Federation Act of 1956) on its former colonies. It was a precursor to a future independent state; it was the first but futile attempt at regional integration.

The Federation comprises ten states, i.e., Antigua (with Barbuda), Barbados, Dominica, Jamaica (with Cayman Islands and Turks and Caicos Islands), Grenada, Montserrat, St Christopher (St. Kitts)-Nevis-Anguilla, St Lucia, St Vincent, and Trinidad and Tobago. It was short-lived, formed on January 3, 1958, and dissolved on May 31, 1962. Insularity, i.e., big islands versus small islands, and claims of disproportional representation in the Federation contributed to its quick demise. The collapse of the Federation spawned the dawn of the independence parade, starting with Jamaica on August 6, 1962, followed by Trinidad and Tobago (1962), Barbados (1966), and British Guiana (now Guyana) (1966).

And, with the West Indies Act 1967, the UK launched the West Indies Associated States, changing six Eastern Caribbean islands’ status from colonies to states with free association with the UK. The associated states include Antigua, Dominica, Grenada, Saint Christopher (St Kitts)-Nevis-Anguilla, St Lucia, and St Vincent. All of these associated states attained independence. St Kitts was the last to achieve independence in 1983; Anguilla seceded from the union of St Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla, reverting to now being an Overseas Territory of the UK. Cayman Islands, Montserrat, Turks and Caicos Islands, Bermuda, and Virgin Islands (British) are also Overseas Territories of the UK.

Post-Independence

Larger and resource richer countries, locales, and regions find it beneficial to form into economic unions, i.e., European Union (EU), African Union (still a work in progress), North American Free Trade Association (NAFTA), and Association of Southeast Asian States (ASEAN). On the other hand, small Caribbean islands elected or were pushed into going independent. Moreover, political independence provides sovereignty and power and allows countries the freedom to independently make their own political, social, and economic decisions. Political and economic independence are intricately linked. Nonetheless, economic independence has severely lagged political autonomy; it is in an aspirational state. Resource-poor, poorly developed infrastructure, unpreparedness, weak economic structure, and ill-equipped small countries pushed, limping into independence. The UK and others didn’t provide them with a robust development pact as afforded to other entities. It is as if they were cast adrift in the Caribbean Sea with one oar. Most have been struggling to row to shore ever since.

Moreover, independence has been a mixed bag for Caribbean countries. However, Caribbean countries are not the poorest in the world with, on average, a relatively high human development index (HDI). Some relative improvements in structural development, economy, living standard, and quality of life have occurred. Nonetheless, a tiny percentage of residents are doing relatively well, with many others catching hell. The poor, faced with poor job/employment opportunities, low wages, poor economic structure, high and rising cost of living, increased medical cost, limited education opportunities, etc., life and living are a daily struggle and hustle for them and their families. A change is needed to improve the standard of living and quality of life of Caribbean people. The region must strive for scale with moonshots. That change is possible with regional integration. However, a significant challenge to regional integration is sovereignty.

Caribbean Community and Common Market (CARICOM) and Regional Integration

Following the collapse of the short-lived West Indies Federation in 1962, the Caribbean Free Trade Association (CARIFTA) was formed in 1965 (1965-1972), establishing a trading bloc to strengthen and improve economic dealings among Caribbean countries by removing the barriers tariffs and quotas on goods produced in the region. Though the region has had successes in cultural, educational, sports, etc., i.e., the University of the West Indies, West Indies Cricket (still signs of contention), CDEMA (Caribbean Disaster Emergency Management Agency), etc., integration, economic integration remains a considerable challenge. It is still frustratingly aspirational. CARICOM succeeded CARIFTA.

The Treaty of Chaguaramas established CARICOM on August 1, 1973; original signatories include Barbados, Jamaica, Guyana, Trinidad, and Tobago. Current membership consists of 15 members, i.e., Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Haiti, Jamaica, Grenada, Guyana, Montserrat, St. Lucia, Suriname, St. Kitts and Nevis, St Vincent and the Grenadines, and Trinidad and Tobago, including five (5) associate members, i.e., Anguilla, Bermuda, Cayman Islands, Turks and Caicos Islands and Virgin Islands (British). CARICOM comprises a 177,020 square mile area, a population of approximately 18 million (entire member states), a GDP of roughly $145B, and an average HDI of 0.700. Its primary purposes are to leverage the region’s strengths to change and benefit the most people by promoting economic integration and cooperation among members, ensuring the benefits of integration are equally shared. However, the fly in the ointment of CARICOM’s noble pursuit at regional integration is sovereignty. In CARICOM, the Myth of Aspirational Economic Integration, Karen E. Bravo suggests, “Caribbean leaders blinded by a seductive myth of sovereignty, allowed the economic development opportunities presented by CARICOM to falter.”

Moreover, the goal of political and economic independence was noble. It provided the opportunity for moral virtue, pride, self-reliance, freedom, self-esteem, cultural confidence, self-existence, self-confidence, shed self-contempt, self-worth, and dignity.

Nonetheless, many Caribbean communities evolved into a) political hierarchy and supporters, b) rich and connected, c) small middle class, and d) masses, the poor. Additionally, political patronage and dependency are commonplace in many states. Citizens in many communities often levy alleged charges of corruption regarding government operations. Though regional integration may not wipe out the likely corruption charges, any regional integration entity(s) structure must consist of strong measures to minimise corruption. Alexis de Tocqueville, French aristocrat, diplomat, political scientist, political philosopher, and historian, suggests that dependence entices people to vote away their freedom for physical security, reducing them to mere subjects and wards of the state. The regional cycle of dependency can be stopped with economic growth and development progress. However, the citizens, the masses, have to agitate and advocate for change. Most politicians are too addicted to political office’s power, status, influence, and benefits to exert any real change effort. They are too heavily invested. Too often, too many are comfortably willing to slaughter regional progress on the altar of personal benefits instead of what is beneficial for most residents.

Regional integration can and will result in changes to the standard of living and quality of life of Caribbean residents; freedom of movement, i.e., labour mobility, is a fear and challenge to regional integration. However, change is inevitable, for residents will no longer tolerate being stuck in the same state decade after decade.

The region is relatively resource-poor, but it must leverage its resources to benefit the most people in the region. CARICOM or any other regional entity adequately structured and supported can deliver real and substantial change, i.e., health, education, law, STEM, agricultural development/food insecurity, maritime/naval force to protect the 12 mile Territorial Sea and 200-mile Exclusive Economic Zone, disaster management, air, and marine transport; economic development and management, cutting edge infrastructure development, telecommunications, affordable health, property, auto and other insurance; energy, environmental protection, and preservation, etc.

Nevertheless, regarding economic integration, CARICOM is a paper tiger; its economic integration goals and objectives are still aspirational due to the sovereignty force. It lacked the supernational power to gain members’ compliance with some of its key initiatives. Countries leaders are fearful of yielding control of some of their countries’ power and influence to CARICOM. This fear of the chipping away of some of their countries’ national sovereignty is understandable.

Nonetheless, it is for both the countries and the region’s public good. It is a worthy trade-off for the public interest. The region is better in unity.

Edgar Leonard is a native Virgin Islander (British), amateur freelance writer, and graduate of Florida A&M University